Barack Obama: A Black Wolf in Corporate Clothing

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Barack Obama: A Black Wolf in Corporate Clothing

Obama’s Eulogy to Nelson Mandela

Amid the propaganda in Barack Obama’s speech at a memorial service for Nelson Mandela in Soweto on December 10, was an encoded signal. Obama’s so-called eulogy was really intended to reaffirm a well-advanced plan to construct a transnational empire.

This article explores how an emergent transnational capitalist class ensured that the South African uprising would result in a false solution that appeared to end apartheid, and why this story has been covered-up by the Global Media Complex.

 

Befriending a legacy of ‘freedom’ in a bank-sponsored sports stadium

At a memorial service held for Nelson Mandela, United States President Barack Hussein Obama said, “We will never see the likes of Nelson Mandela again”.

 

These spooky words, spoken with an intonation that cringingly mimicked Bill Clinton’s signature oratory, were slipped in among hyper-rhetoric about the efficacy of direct action, well-reasoned arguments and the power of the human spirit.[1]

 

Mandela, who died on December 5 2013 aged 95, had been leader of the African National Congress (ANC) party, which led a resistance and armed struggle against the racist fascists that ruled South Africa’s apartheid regime from 1948 to 1994.[2] Also known by his Xhosa clan name, Madiba, Mandela was imprisoned for 27 years, from 1963 to 1990, after the CIA assisted in his arrest by passing on his travel plans to the South African Security Service, as James Sanders revealed in his book Apartheid’s Friends: The Rise and Fall of South Africa’s Secret Service (SASS).[3]

 

In 1994, when Mandela became the first black president of the Republic of South Africa the world hoped that true freedom would come to a people who had been suppressed on the basis of racial prejudice. Tragically, this hope has yet to manifest into reality.

 

With feigned humility, Obama audaciously asserted, “I will always fall short of Madiba’s example. He makes me want to be a better man.”[4] This emotively loaded line provoked a standing ovation at the packed First National Bank sports stadium in Soweto, Johannesburg. Among those drawn to their feet were former United Nations’ Secretary–General Kofi Atta Annan, and two former Commander-in-Chiefs of the United States, George Walker Bush and William Jefferson Clinton, and former United States’ Secretary of State, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

 

Obama’s categorical assertion that there is never to be someone like Mandela again is spooky, not simply because the Orwellian Obama regime carries out extra-legal executions by drone attacks,[5] and kidnaps ‘enemy combatants’ or ‘enemy belligerents’ for torturing.[6] Neither is it simply because of the US National Security Agencies’[7] mass surveillance technologies,[8] international spy network[9] and its largely hidden collaborations with transnational corporations[10] that investigators such as James Bamford have written about for years, before the brave Edward Snowden became a hunted whistleblower.[11]

 

What is deeply spooky about Obama saying that the world “will never see the likes of Nelson Mandela again” is that the global news media did not even raise a single metaphorical eyebrow.

This failure occurred because to do otherwise would mean investigating why exactly the man who once wrote a book called The Audacity of Hope made this sweeping assertion, with all its inferred global geographical coverage and permanence.

Obama’s categorical statement is foreboding because it implies that the transnational capitalist class has learned much from suppressing uprisings, regardless of where they spring from, no matter the pigment of their freedom-fighting skins. And, because the Global Media Complex, which is a fraction of the transnational capitalist class,[12] has learned to deploy more sophisticated, Orwellian propaganda since Mandela was initially imprisoned.[13]

 

C is for Compromise

To understand why Mandela ‘chose’ reconciliation, it is crucial to know about the power structure that underpinned the white Afrikaner elite and the pressures brought to bear on them from the emerging transnational capitalist class.

 

A white supremacist brotherhood called the Afrikaner Broederbond (Afrikaner Brotherhood), which formed in 1918, controlled the apartheid regime.[14] This secret society was comprised of descendants from mostly Dutch-settlers who were bitter about losing the Second Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902).[15] Modeled on Freemasonry and the Sons of England clubs, the Afrikaner Brotherhood resolved to regain control of the Republic of South Africa from British rule through influence, indoctrination, infiltration, intimidation and intrigue.

 

To this end, the secret network of the Afrikaner Brotherhood came to occupy key positions of the state apparatus, including parliament, the police, military, judiciary and penal systems, universities, schools, and the state-controlled broadcasting monopoly. The Broeders also held top posts in private sector institutions such as law and accountancy firms, and cartelized industries including banking, mining, and communications.

 

Under their regime, they spied on native Africans and ‘sympathizers’. The Afrikaner Broederbond covered-up their systematic repression that included kidnapping, beatings, torture, and serial murdering such as ‘disappearing’ people by dropping them from aircraft over the ocean.[16] In addition to this full-spectrum state-sponsored terrorism, the regime isolated the indigenous population into shanty-towns, where most were unemployed or working essentially as low-paid wage slaves.

 

Amid pressure from a global anti-Apartheid campaign, some in the Afrikaner Broederbond began to realize that ‘the writing was on the wall’. As John Pilger reports in his article “Mandela’s Greatness May be Assured – But Not His Legacy”[17] and in his 1998 documentary Apartheid Did Not Die,[18] the Afrikaner elite pursued a strategy to divide the black resistance in the late 1980s, while Mandela was still behind bars. The Broederbond’s goal was to ensure that they did not go to jail for genocidal crimes, otherwise the Afrikaner Brotherhood would be unable to enjoy their wealth, power and egotistical lifestyles under the façade of a post-political apartheid South Africa.

 

According to Michael Schmidt in his article “The Dictatorial Roots of Neo-liberal Democracy in South Africa and Chile”, a meeting took place in September 1985 between the African National Congress (ANC) party leadership at its headquarters at Lusaka, and white businessmen and newspaper editors.[19] ANC president Oliver Tambo and the Anglo-American Corporation’s Gavin Reilly lead each side. There was symbolic value in having the head of the Anglo-American Corporation lead the white delegation, because it was primarily the British and American capital class that were moving in to take control of the Republic. To apply pressure to the Broeders, Rockefeller’s Chase Manhattan Bank recalled a $500 million loan to South Africa in 1985 and other banks followed suit.[20]

 

The chairman of the Afrikaner Broederbond, Pieter de Lange, who had met with the ANC’s Thabo Mbeki in New York, urged his fellow Broeder, prime minister P. W. Botha, in mid-1986 to negotiate with the ANC.[21] The same year, the United States joined the economic warfare started by the Chase Manhattan Bank and imposed sanctions against the regime.[22]

 

In 1987, a meeting took place in Senegal between 17 ANC members and 61 Afrikaner intellectuals, including the leader of the Progressive Federal Party, Frederick van Zyl Slabbert.[23] A dozen other meetings took place between November 1987 and May 1990, at a mansion called Mells Park House, near Bath in western England, as Patti Waldmeir reported in her over-enthusiastically titled 1997 book, Anatomy of a Miracle. At Mells Park House the Afrikaner elite met with an inner circle of the exiled ANC leadership, led by Mbeki, where they discussed a probable transition to a non-apartheid democracy, constitutional protections for whites, and the kind of economic system South Africa might have.[24] (Mbeki would later succeed Mandela as president).

 

On 5 July 1989, Botha met with Mandela in prison. After Botha suffered a stroke in 1989, F. W. de Klerk speed up the process of secret negotiations with the exiled African National Congress party.[25] This ‘speed politics’ essentially isolated the 3 million members of the newly formed United Democratic Front, whose most famous spokesman was Bishop Desmond Tutu.[26]

 

As Michael Schmidt points out, against the backdrop of the civil war, there was a sequence to the transformation: “first the spies, then the businessmen, then the commissars, then the intellectuals, then the politicos.”[27]

 

Few today realize that when Mandela was released from prison, the American establishment was not thrilled. [28] It was not until Mandela gave-up and resigned himself to a decision that had already been arrived at by others while he was still in jail, that he was treated as a darling of American political and media elites (for whom, making-up freedom-themed fables is a sacred daily ritual). Thabo Mbeki was the one who talked Mandela around to sucking up the big ‘C-word’ of Compromise. If there were a book called the Alphabet of International Affairs with a special edition for the apparent end of apartheid in South Africa, the ‘C-word’ would mean going along with the transnational capitalists’ favoured path of reconciliation…..more here

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